Kojoshi, the national language of Kojo, developed during the disturbances and later unification of the Kojolese kingdoms under the rule of the Pyilser-krun'a Dynasty following the kingdoms' wars and famine in the 1620's. Modern Kojoshi is based on ancient Pyilser(Պյիլսըռ), a language spoken around modern Pyingshum of the otherwise died-out Kimo-Axian language family, which included most other languages spoken in the area of modern Kojo up to the 17th century. Besides these "native" influences of the language, the intermarriage with Hopponese royalty at the same time as the Kojolese unification in the early 17th century left deep imprints in Kojolese phonology and vocabulary. Ataraxian and other surrounding languages have always played an a large role in the language's development and continue to do so.
Note: Due to the existence of three different registers, this article will, in its detailed descriptions, talk about the "Rikaikishi" (scientific register), unless mentioned otherwise, as this is the form in which Kojolese encyclopedias are written in.
- 1 History (tbc)
- 2 Geographic distribution and regional dialects
- 3 Register
- 4 Phonology and writing system
- 5 Writing system (romanized)
- 6 Grammar
- 7 Noun and Adjective Declining; "to be"
- 8 Vocabulary
The commonly named "ancestor", or substrate language, of modern Kojolese is Pyilser(Պյիլսըռ). This language came into being around the area of today's Pyingshum, and was used there up to the big migration wave in the 1620's. It used the [Armenian] alphabet. When the dynasty around Pyingshum slowly gained control over the other, often smaller principalities all over Kojo, and eventually unified the area of today's Kojo under their rule, the local language-mix of ancient Pyilser spread to the rest of Kojo and eventually, also due to he relatively high mutual intelligibility between Pyilser and the other original languages in Kojo, became adopted by most people. However, Kojoshi did not only emerge from the relatively closely related Kojolese languages; shortly before unification, in 1622, King Surb Rēkku had been married with the daughter of Hopponese leader Ato Nabunga, Chihaya Nabunga "The Vain". She not only insisted on preserving the royal court she was used to even in her new home by simply taking the complete royal court with her, but also many admirer followed her all the way from Hoppon and settles in Kojo. Over the course of decades and centuries the languages mixed, and eventually the uniform language of today's Kojolese developed; while its most basic grammar and root words come from Pyilser or other ancient Kojolese languages, influences from Hopponese are very obvious as well.
A common alphabet was adopted in 1701, by Surb Kyiffae, son of Surb Rēkku. The king decided to drop the native Pyilser alphabet in favour of a newly devised, morphophonetic alphabet, with every sound being resembled by one and only one letter. This mean was taken to strengthen the ties in the newly found kingdom and to establish Kojoshi quickly as a universal and standardised language, despite the fact that at that point in time the language was still undergoing considerable changes.
Geographic distribution and regional dialects
Kojo is mostly spoken in today's Kojo and by Kojolese emigrants all over the world. In Kojo there are some regions with local dialects. These vernaculars, often dating back to distinct Kimo-Axian languages before the 17th century, can differ slightly or strongly from standard Kojolese in terms of pronunciation, choice of words, and sometimes grammar. However, they are not only always intelligible with each other, but also every native speaker of any specific dialect (for the most part) can switch to the standard dialect when the situation requires it.
Many regional lexical differences can also be traced back to influences of foreign languages. For example from 1622 onward, in the wider Pyingshum area many terms of higher registry were borrowed from Hopponese due to the royal intermarriagem while the names of famous landmarks in the south and especially in the west of the country stemming from former royalty for a great part resemble Ataraxian terminology.
These are the largest and most distinct dialects in Kojo:
Spoken around the western portion of the coast, from Hetta to the border with Ataraxia. Despite it's quite irregular distribution, it is the most prevelant dialect in Kojolese media due to its large number of speakers at over 4 million, followed by Pacchisaelshi. THe variant spoken in Finkyáse can be considered its own variant, or just a stronger version of this dialect.
Common in Pacchipyan-Iki, where it's used by about 80% of the population in their everyday life (slightly above 2.5 million). In rural areas the dialect is noticeably stronger than in the large cities, especially Jaka, where the standard dialect has had a stronger influence over the course of history. The most prominent feature is the glossing-over or sometimes even omission of vowel sounds, making the dialect sound slightly "harsh" to the unused ear. This, as well as some distinct vocabulary (e.g. in the areas of trade, water, nature and related fields), are remains of the language of the local Pakkyaeraeng Kingdom that governed the area prior to 1620, before the great wave, and, later, the Kojolese unification.
Sometimes called (insulting or proudly) 'farmers' tongue'; although spoken in the sparsely populated savanna, steppe and cities of the west.
Situated in the far north-west of the country, Sappaér-Iki's dialect is strongly influenced by Ataraxian, which has close ties to Franquese. This is seen in general pronunciation as well as many loanwords taken from Franquese or, more specifically, Ataraxian.
Spoken in the mountainous north-east of the country, mostly in rural communities.
A dialect concentrated on the centre and immediate suburbs of Kari. Syntax can differ strongly from the standard dialect, but the words themselves remain mostly the same. Closely related to this is the Oéshkaernain variant spoken in the Kingdom of Oéshkaernain.
A declining dialect spoken in the city of Rō by about 45,000 of the 255,000 inhabitants. Common grammar structures and are heavily shortend and compressed, following complex and often irregular patterns. For example, 'Potte ja' becomes 'Poccha'; another, less comprehensible example, is the general indirect object marker 'KI', which can also become 'KYU', 'KÍ', CHĪ or 'JJI', depending on the word that precedes it.
Unlike other languages related to Nihonish, Kojoshi doesn't know a very complex or strict system of honorific speech. However, three very distinct registers have developed, each used in different types of social settings. In spoken language, two of these can also be further subdivided into "clear speech" or "shortened speech". They becoming distinguished styles is usually seen as the marking line between Middle and Modern Kojolese, which took place in the 18th century.
Although each registry has its own distinct function, they can also be used to play with the language and create a certain atmosphere. An author of a cooking book might want to address its reader formally, but could also go for a very distanced and scientific reader-author relationship or, on the opposite spectrum, make the reader experience the narrator as a close friend giving tips on how to bake just the right cake for the next social gathering. Also, any piece of journalistic work or political speech could generally be written in any of these 3 registers, depending on who the audience is, what impression the author wants to give and what relationships they want to establish.
Tanōikishi - Familiar Register
The familiar register is used when speaking or writing with:
- familiar persons, such as family, friends, school mates or work collegues in relaxed working environments
- unfamiliar persons of the same demographic (mostly age) in strictly non-professional circumstances; also applies to older generations, for example two elderly in their 70's might use this registry when asking each other for directions
In the familiar register, shortened speech is the most prevalent; particle clusters and other common grammatical features often merge into distinct shortened abbreviations, and single phenoms are often skipped or only slightly articulated. However, not only is written Tanōikishi usually written in "long-form" (unless for example dialogues want to emphasize the intimate relationship between two characters, or in chatting), but the "properly pronounced" yet still more personal Tanōikishi can be used in cases where it's either unclear whether Tanōikishi or Kēikishi are appropriate or some level of respect should still be shown, for example when introducing oneself to another guest at a party of friends, when asking strangers of the same age group for direction etc.
Kēikishi - Formal Register
The formal register is used when speaking or writing with:
- working collegues in formal work environments
- any kind of formal or professional situation, such as business, school (a teacher will speak this way to the students as well), or customer-service situations (unless the business sets a focus on being extremely personal and friend-like)
- any kind of situation where there is a difference in hierarchy between the speakers involved; in early middle Kojolese the superior person would actually then use the "descending" Tanōikishi, however with the revolution of 1834 this way of communication was labelled "un-democratic" and quickly fell out of use, as superiors adopted the same formal register as their workers
- news stories or comments, or personal speeches (where there is a strong reference to the reader or the author/narrator takes an active part in telling the story/makes it more personal)
Besides a general difference in choice of words (for many verbs, nouns or adjectives there exist "proper", polite Kēikishi forms as well as more colloquial and slacky terms for Tanōikishi; for example, one would say "to eat pig meat" in Tanōikishi but "to eat pork" in Kēikishi, or "driving thing" instead of the non-composite "car") many verbs that don't have a distinct counterpart in every registry also slightly change their verb stem depending on what register is used.
In Kēikishi, short or "mumbled" form is only acceptable when there is a difference in hierarchy between the speakers involved; for example, a shop cleric will speak "proper" long-form Kēikishi to a customer, that customer however may, without seeming rude, answer in shortened Kēikishi. In most working environments it would be seen as unfitting if a boss spoke shortened Kēikishi to their subordinates, however in traditionalist companies or a limited number of special subordinate-superior relationships this can still be observed.
Especially in contrast to other languages it is important to note, that in Modern Kojolese it is very uncommon for any social interaction to have one participant using the formal register while the other uses the informal one. Registers do not in the first place indicate politeness, but instead reflect on the social setting the interaction is taking place in.
Rikaikishi - Scientific Register
The scientific register is used when speaking or writing:
- any type of neutral scientific piece of work
- abstract texts that do not address a specific reader (such as laws)
- news reports or abstract speeches (that is, neutral conveying of information about events)
For Rikaikishi there exists no shortened form, and the particle system is especially pronounced. It is said that this register makes it nearly impossible to leave ambiguity or being vague, without actively spelling it out that way. Students learn this register at school, and it is most commonly found as written language. Even though the particle list below deals with the particles from a Rikaikishi perspective, in Rikaikishi it is not unusual to form larger particle clusters to convey additional nuances and remove ambiguity.
Pronouns in Kojolese differ depending on the registry used. Each registry sourced a large number of its pronouns from a different language of origin. Also the degree of nuancedness possible varies depending on the registry, and some pronouns have different meanings in different registries despite being spelled and pronounced the exact same way.
- Depending on whether a vowel (long) or consonant (short) is following
- Court members betitled Queen Nobunga with plural naráng instead of "she"; it stuck and became the standard polite "she".
- Old Pyilser: arka, "king", was the standard to address the rule directly. When the monarchy became unpopular, it became used as a standard pronoun for males.
|He/She (Gender neutral pers. sg.)|
|One (animate sg., "a person" or animal)||hom|
|They (unambiguous, usually inanimate)|
|You (sg. or pl.)|
Some pronouns used to inflect in Rikaikishi when affected by particles, influence from Franquese origin. For example, instead of "je so" for "mine" one would use the Ataraxian influenced "mō". That was very complicated when dealing with particle clusters and took away from the nuancedness as people weren't sure if it was ok to use the pronouns plain form plus particle or the equivalent Ataraxian alternative, or even whether there was an equivalent in Ataraxian without having a good grasp of that language's basic grammar. Just using plain forms with particles became acceptable in the 1930's. Today, for stylistic reasons it is still technically correct to use the Ataraxian based inflected forms to substitute for the pronoun and one following particle, if more than one particle is applied to the pronoun the cluster has to be attached to the plain form.
Ingerish base message: "My pet entered the room."
Tanōikishi: "Pecchi senpā goel ye." ("My" and subject marker for pet omitted; "Pet room into went.")
Kēikishi: "Wádash so pecchi senpā goel yuke." ("yuku" is KS and RS for "go", "yu" is used in TS, "Pecchi" is still acceptable for pet; "My pet room into went." )
Rikaikishi: "Je so/Mō watabikki ja senpā goel je hyuém yuke." (no omissions anymore. The fact that the narrator is inside the room when the pet enters now has to be explicitly stated; "My personal animal room into me towards went.")
Phonology and writing system
Although every sound is symbolised by one and only one letter, there are patterns that syllables have to follow to conform with the Kojolese phonology. For that matter, all consonant sounds are grouped into two groups; versatile and fixed consonants. The "y" is either seen as part of the consonant it modifies (like in "myu") or as an own consonant (syllables like "yu", "yoe" etc.). A capital Y is used in Kojolese when the Y is the leading consonant of the syllable with the following vowel, instead of modifying a preceding consonant. In Romantsh letters, this distinction is achieved by using a '.
A syllable then may consist of:
a) V ; a vowel
b) V-m ; a vowel followed by a versatile consonant
c) k-V or m-V ; a versatile/fixed consonant followed by a vowel
d) k-V-m or m-V-m ; a versatile/fixed consonant followed by a vowel, followed by another versatile consonant.
In other words, versatile consonants are sounds that may be easily pronounced as the end of a syllable, and no two or more fixed consonants may follow each other. These versatile consonants are: l,m,n,ng.
Fixed consonants, which can therefore (usually) only be at the start of a syllable, are: b,p,d,t,z,s,sh,ch,w,f,g,k,j,r,h,w. Some loan words, some old words and some very rare syllables form exceptions, such as the old affix -sur, the consonant combination ts- and some words ending in -sh and -z. The w can also work as a semi-vowel after a k in some very rare instances such as Kwaengdō or Díkwi; it is however still considered a consonant. The "ng", although technically grouped with the versatile consonants, actually only occurs at the end of syllables.
In Kojolese, macrons (¯) and acute (´) accents are put above a vovel letter when that vowel is long or intensely stressed, respectively. In the IPA transcription, the long vowel is followed by "ː", while the pitch indicated by the acute either resembles a stress on the first syllable (shown by "ˈ" in front of that syllable), or means that the previous syllable had a slight tone drop. Then, a "ꜜ" is placed between the two syllables. After the emergence of an at least somewhat uniform Kojolese standard variant in the middle of the 18th century, Surb Kyiffae introduced a spelling reform. The strongly altered and uniformed alphabet together with new, easier and more coherent spelling rules were meant to further strengthen the role of the standard variant and spread it across the kingdom. Since then, the cursive script has only slightly changed. With the emergence of monitors a second major font developed, which is mostly used in typing and print. The cursive variant is still commonly used in hand writing.
Writing system (romanized)
The romanized version of Kojolese uses a slightly restricted latin alphabet, but acutes and macrons (e.g. é, ā) are used to indicate a strong stress or a long vowel, respectively. Vowels are designated one distinct sound each, while certain diphthongs or palatalizations vary after a given set of rules laid out below. Consonants are mostly read like their English equivalent.
The following table shows the three "special" vowel sounds (the diphtongs) of which the pronounciation is different from the two original sounds; extra long diphtongs are marked by a macron over their last letter:
|ae||like German "ä"|
|oe||like German "ö",|
|ue||like German "ü", just slightly more exaggerated since normal "u" already like a slight "ü"|
If two vowels follow each other, but should be pronounced separately and not as a diphtong, they are seperated with a "'". Compare "Manguel" ("Man-guel") and "Mangu'el" (Man-gu-el").
The following list lists all used consonants in use with their respective pronunciation:
|B||b||like English b(->"soft" p)|
|D||d||like English d(->"soft" t)|
|F||f||like English f|
|G||g||agonay(->"soft" k) (not ginger)|
|L||l||last; very slight if at end of word|
|M||m||like English m|
|N||n||like English n|
|NG||ng||like English ng, helping|
|P||p||Like English p (not as in photo)|
|R||r||like Korean/Japanese r (ɽ in IPA)|
|W||w||like English w (->"soft" f)|
|Z||z||zone (->"softer" s)|
Doubled consonants (usually "k", "t" or "p") are pronounced slightly harsher and with a little pause after them in which the cononant's sound is "held" (e.g: Tokkyue -> "tock-yüh", without letting go after finishing the "k" sound)
palatalizations : e.g. nye -> onion
In rare cases an apostrophe (') is used to differentiate between a palatilization and two syllables where the first one ends on a consonant and the second starts with "y". For example in Róng'yeda-Pang. Without the apostrophe, it would be read as "Rón-gye-da"
very incomplete, work in progress
In Kojoshi, particles are used to indicate the role of a noun in a sentence, or the relation of nouns to each other, or the role of an entire clause. Particles are mostly single syllables or short words that don't change, and usually stand behind (or in between) the noun(s) (or part of a sentence) that they are applied on. Usually, if they precede a word they with their respective trail modify the following word.
|JA||Case marker||Standard subject marker. Marks the noun it follows as the subject (the thing that "is" or "does") in the sentence/clause. Is frequently omitted, especially in spoken language.||I live: wádash JA laébumru|
|WA||Case marker||Emphasised subject marker. Marks the noun it follows as the subject (the thing that "is" or "does") in the sentence/clause, while also either pointing out that this is actually the subject (in cases were it seems unlikely from the context), or to point out a comparison with another subject marked with "WA" in another sentence/clause.|| My pet walks me! (Instead of me walking my pet): wádash so pecchi WA wádash sum hikukkuriyukum!|
I am alive, (and, in contrast) you're dead: wádash WA laébumru, kigang WA shikksaru
|SUM||Case Marker||Direct object marker. The marked noun is directly affected by the action from the subject.||I'm wearing clothes: wádash ja úlmasumolno SUM úlmasum|
|KI||Case Marker||General indirect object marker. The marked noun is indirectly affected by the action of the subject. However, for most cases there are more distinct particles. Is used if proper particle is unknown, e.g. not enough context, or to put emphasize on the fact that something is INdirectly affected (e.g. although it is not present). Also sometimes used to express "for the sake of"/"for" when the reason is not very strong or not the foremost cause of an action (Otherwise the more distinctive "reason"-particles are used, when the relation of cause and effect are very clear or to be stressed).|| I'm taking a photo for you (because you asked me to): wádash ja foto sum kigang KI lusunum|
Memorial (dedicated) to the victims: Zō ki Mémorial
|NIJÚINDE||Description||Marks the word it follows as the topic the next thing is about, i.e. concerning, or dedicated to sth., like a memorial.|| Are (you) talking about me?: wádash NIJÚINDE azelum da? |
Index about neighbourhoods: Harefan nijúinde Índae
|DAEKI||Description||Generalizes the commonly associated properties of the word preceding and turns it into an adjective, similar to "of a kind", "like", "typical"||Kojolese food: Kojo DAEKI uetaumolno|
|NODE||Reason||Marks the reason or rather factual dependence of an action.||Because it rained, I am wet: Amye NODE, wádash ja weng|
|TAMNI||Reason||Marks the reason or rather underlying, jointly responsible cause of an action.||I bought this present because of you (for someone else, but you told me about this particular article): kigang TAMNI néruka sum gyinele|
|LUI||Reason||Marks the reason or rather personal justification or incentive of an action.|| I learn in order to reach/for the sake of fluency: Chúju LUI soworu|
I bought a present for you. (I needed a present for you): kigang LUI néruka sum gyinele
|KĀWARYUZU||Reason||Expresses that sth. is done despite something else.||Although I can't fly, I try to: wádash ja hayeláurau KĀWARYUZU, haleyomyu.|
|RE||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "towards" something/where/one.|| South West leading highway: Aku Limbē RE Góso|
I go to(wards) the cafe: wádash ja kafe RE yuku
|GOEL||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "into" something/where/one.||I go into (I enter) the cafe: wádash ja kafe GOEL yuku|
|JUNG||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "out of" something/where/one.||I "go/move" (leave) out of the cafe: wádash ja kafe JUNG yuku|
|KARA||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "from" something/where/one.||I "go" (come) from the cafe. (-> from the perspective of so. standing outside): wádash ja kafe KARA yuku|
|HYUÉM (1)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the direct object) "into" or "towards" something/where/one. Often used with "to give sth. to" etc.|| I gave you the camera: wádash ja kigang HYUÉM kaemera sum jotte|
You threw it on the ground: Kigang ja kaemera sum chikku HYUÉM marákupe
|HYUÉM (2)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject, only when no direct object mentioned) "vaguely towards" something/where/one. Often used to differentiate between to come/to leave etc. -> makes clear what position of the speaker is|
|SINKA (1)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the direct object) "from" or "out of" something/where/one. Often used with "to receive from" etc.|| I got the camera from you: Potte ja wádash SINKA kaemera sum hiruke|
I caught the ball out of the air: Kashi ja pila sum zōng SINKA tokyuwe
|SINKA (2)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject, only when no direct object mentioned) "vaguely away from" something/where/one. Often used to differentiate between to come/to leave etc. -> makes clear what position of the speaker is|
|SO||Connective||Subordinates the following to the prior noun/part of a sentence. Can indicate various relations such as possessiveness or location, or can be descriptive|| My house, the house of mine, etc.: wádash so ukkyae; |
(the city of) Toribiri in Kojo, Kojo's Toribiri etc.: Kojo so Toribiri
either the colour of the leave or (descriptive) leave-colour: Halim so yinfa
|KO||Connective||Equal and complete "and" connective; two or more elements are combined, and seen as one in further grammatical constructions. When more than two things are listed, commas can be used with only the last two parts being connected via "KO". Implies a completeness of the list.||(Ministry of) Commerce, Trade and Infrastructure: Kishamolno, Jijiyaengmolno ko Hīshíbyaeng (so Naelnimyue)|
|FĀ||Connective||Equal and incomplete "and" connective; two or more elements are combined, and seen as one in further grammatical constructions. When more than two things are listed, commas can be used with only the last two parts being connected via "FĀ". Implies an incompleteness of the list.||I did (things as) x, y and z (and others): wádash ja x, y FĀ z sum fúshe|
|MI||Connective||Subordinating "and"(->"with") connective; two or more elements are combined, and seen as one in further grammatical constructions. The word(s) with a different marker are seen as the main actor(s), the word(s) followed by MI are only accompanying.||You are cooking with me (e.g. "I" am just watching and trying to learn): Kigang ja wádash MI tsumáryō fúshum;|
|BUE||Location||Indicicates a location in(side) of something, e.g. an area or room.|| I can live in Kojo: wádash ja Kojo BUE laébumráu|
I live in Toribiri (which is situated) in Kojo: Kojo BUE aru Toribiri BUE laébumru
I am "in"(at) the office (right now): wádash ja Jimshō BUE arum
|SOCHI||Location||Indicicates a location out(side) of something, e.g. an area or room.||I want to live outside of Kojo (somewhere else): wádash ja Kojo SOCHI laébumrisau|
|AÉKUE||Location||Indicates a location at something, usually a point or other single element/location.||I am at the door: wádash ja duri AÉKUE arum|
|ABU||Location||Indicates a location above something (can be used stylistic, e.g. for a difference in importance), e.g. an area or point.||Birds fly above (my) house: Gozu ja ukkyae ABU hayelu|
|DE||Location||Indicates a location on something.||The bird sits on (my) house: Gozu ja ukkyae DE ishum|
|HAKKI||Location||Indicates a location next to something (can be used stylistic, e.g. for showing equal importance).||Next to my house there us a tree: wádash so ukkyae HAKKI chā ja aru|
|MÁRE||Location||Indicates a location in front of something (implying the object has a front side).||You are (standing) in front of me: wádash MÁRE kigang ja aru|
|YETE||Location||Indicates a location behind something (implying the object has a backside).||I am (standing) behind you: kigang YETE wádash ja aru|
|TAKYOE||Location||Indicates a location below something.|
|MIJAE||Location||Indicates a location in between something.|
|NÍ||Time||When/A point in time (conditional)|
|Conditional||Likely if-clause||If it rains, I will|
|Conditional||Unlikely if-clause||If it rained, I would|
|Conditional||Impossible if-clause||if it had rained, I would have|
|DA||Clause||Marks a sentence as a question, used both for polar (yes/no) and open questions.||Kigang ja XXX Kojoshi sum soworum DA? (Why) are you learning Kojolese?|
|MON||Clause||A milder way of marking a question or an uncertain statement, often when only seeking clarification, proper confirmation or urging the listener to elaborate on the topic.||A: Kojoshi so zensho wa dehal ku. B: Ā, Kojoshi sum soworum MON? A: Kojolese grammar is difficult. B: Oh, so you are learning Kojolese?|
|TTE/DE||Clause||Follows a direct or indirect quote, usually followed by a verb like "say", "tell", "hear" etc. TTE if final sound of the quote is a vowel, DE if it's a consonant.|| Kigang ja Kojoshi sum soworomyum DE ishe. (I) heard you are trying to learn Kojolese. |
"Wádash ja Kojoshi sum soworu" TTE alga ja azele. He said "I learn Kojolese".
List of common particle clusters
- NÍ YÉRI (in... after); only in, as late as
Changing words to a different word class
When creating a new word of a different word class, there is a wide array of suffixes to do so.
|Verb||-|| root+-no/-doen/-molno/-sói/-hīchon..., standard nominalisation
|Noun|| -yu/-shu turns noun into action most commonly associated; actor -> to act
To make something <noun>; large array of affixes and prefixes, see below the table
|-|| -daeki creates common adjective: demomínzudaeki -> democracy(tic); assoldaeki -> unity(ary)|
|Adjective|| to make something <adjective>; large array of affixes and prefixes, see below
<adjective>-ku/-jae/-yōni... <become>/<change>... (dependent on registry);to become <adjective>
| -sur creates common noun: liberal<ism>
verb root: drop the final syllable
verb stem: drop the final u when preceding consonant can be put at the end of a syllable, otherwise change u to i.
~complex verb creation: [PH]
Conceptional suffixes and prefixes
Zóngshin- main, central
Jō- (the) people: Jō-bun people, Jō-bunmyeru republic...
(noun, place names)
-sul, common for towns and cities
-uel, common for villages -tsūm, like -dom in dukedom, kingdom etc
[-iki, -sur, -dengshoo, -Pang, -Jūwaéi]
-sha creates a profession(/person closely associated with the stem) etc. from a noun or sometimes from a verb: Demomínzu<sha> -> Democracy<crat> (in the wider sense)
-we generic building, example: hyosilwe, office building; Gēshusamnengwe, Opera house; Yínyuē-Taitaiwe, theatre ...
-zi some type of public transportation, usually rail: Chezi, Norikichezi, Dōzi, Dyanchezi...
-kanú shop ...
Prefixes are sometimes used to specify the nuances of a verb. Examples include
ota-/oda- to let go/give away/to loosen ....
Verbs in Kojolese are conjugated in 6 tenses (past, present and future, each with an optional progressive aspect), genera verbi (active and passive), and can be further modified with modal verbs (want, should, let's...). Kojolese is an agglutinative language, that means verb modifying morphems can be added to the verb indefinitely until the meaning becomes to complicated for even natives to understand. There are no classes of verbs that demand different conjugation, besides small differences depending on what comes before the final -u.
Tenses work rather simple; in the simple present every verb end in -u, for the progressive aspect this becomes -um. The simple past and past progressive are created with -e and -em, the future and the future progressive (only rarely used) are marked with -i and -im respectively. This also applies to modal verbs.
The most common way to express passiveness in a larger sentence is to use the (transitive) verb in a noun modifying clause before the respective noun. For example, odamishe tsuri ja toidaebu would mean "the sold flower blossoms".
In simple passive sentences where in Ingerish the objective is to leave out the subject, the subject can simply be omitted in Kojolese and the thing the action is being done to is still marked with the direct subject marker SUM. The sentence "Yaesh sum byoeltsi" would mean "I will be killed", or litterally "(something) will kill me".
As a third option, the modal verb o.rau can be used to turn every verb into the passive form, with the final -u of the verb changing to an "o" (unless there is another vowel before the final -u, then the bridge vowel is not needed).
Verb forms (including modal verbs) can all be negated with the modal verb (u).rau. Where the negation(s) take place in the chains of main verb and modal verbs is very important to the meaning; for example, mish.rai.sau (buy.not.want) means "I don't want to BUY", but mishi.sa.rau (buy.want.not) means "I don't WANT to buy" (but I NEED to/was FORCED to...).
Modal verbs follow the verb they modify, and can build long chains. In the standard form, the modal verb overwrites the tense of the main verb. When it's important to retain the past or future tense of the main verb, the tenses themselves need to be expressed by another modal verb in between the main verb and the following modal verbs. These tense markers are the origin of the modern (shortened) tense forms. In Rikaikishi it is necessary to always use the modal verb form for the past and future tenses when adding modal verbs after the verb, and use the plain form strictly for the present tense. The present progressive aspect is lost in these cases and needs to be emphasized with marker words such as "right now".
Modal verbs usually consist of one or two syllables, and change the last syllable of the predecessor depending on the syllable structure. There are three ways the final syllable(s) of a verb (including modal verbs themselves) can look like:
- M-u (the final u finishes off a syllable starting with a versatile consonant) (Type 1)
- F-u (the final u finishes off a syllable starting with a fixed consonant) (Type 2)
- -V-u (the -u stands alone after a syllable ending in a vowel) (Type 3)
FC=fixed cons., can only stand at beginning; M=Versatile cons.; V=Vowel
Depending on the types above, modal verbs might simply change the -u to another vowel, keep the -u, or attach themselves to the stem (e.g. leave out the bridge vowel completely).
i.sau - to want
á.u - to can
o.myu - to try
(u).rau - NOT; U only when there is a fixed consonant before final -u, e.g. syllable needs to be completed.
ue.meru - begin o.rau - passive
"vorschlag" -> lass uns... ~(doppelkonsonant)yo! bzw nur yo; dann oft end-u weg yuku -> yukkyo hayelu -> hayellyo uetau -> ueta(u)yo
Explicit tense markers:
- past - past progressive - future - future progressive
Noun and Adjective Declining; "to be"
Nouns and adjectives are mostly unchanged in Kojolese, and the verb "to be" usually does most of the inflection, such as tense marking, negating etc. that are not done by the particles (which can express a wide range of aspects such as possessiveness, reasoning or change). The following table gives an overview over the several translations of "to be" in Kojolese, depending on the registry and the use as a copula.
"X is Y"
"X is there/exists"
often omitted when particles explain context
All forms of "to be" inflect like any regular verb.
Numerals in Kojoshi retain a certain stem, and their ending changes depending on what grammatical purpose they serve; often these endings look similar to the particle with the respective function, although there are many exceptions and irregularities.
When forming large compound numbers, all numerals stay in their standard form and only the last numeral indicated the grammatical function; 11 and 12 are exceptions.
Importantly, particle clusters have to be avoided with numerals; if for example one wants to say "(the item) on the fifth (rank of the shelf)", the particle ending for ~th and "of" would not merge, but instead the lowest tier of information (here the ordinal ~th part) is conveyed in the ending of the numeral, and the other particles are attached after that in their standard form, forming "hile de". Note that these situations usually only occur when the sentences are extremely shortened and all already mentioned information is omitted, as the long form would be "SHELF so hile RANK de". When speaking or writing in a precise manner this issue therefore usually doesn't come up. However, when for example very abstract and wordy concepts are counted, they are then usually summarised as the appropriate nominaliser, and then this nominaliser is put after the numeral which again only holds the lowest tier of particle information; all other remaining particles are then following the nominaliser like any usual particle cluster.
name of number itself, counting, money
5 dogs, 7 years, 10 degrees
The 5th row
Usually other time particles following
Day of the month, sim. to ord. number
primary, secondary, tertiary...