Kojoshi, the national language of Kojo, developed during the disturbances and later unification of the Kojolese kingdoms under the rule of the Pyilser-krun'a Dynasty following the kingdoms' wars and famine in the 1620's. Modern Kojoshi is based on ancient Pyilser(Պյիլսըռ), a language spoken around modern Pyingshum of the otherwise died-out Kimo-Axian language family, which included most other languages spoken in the area of modern Kojo up to the 17th century. Besides these "native" influences of the language, Meilanese, Hopponese Nihonish and Ataraxian Franquese are the major sources of loan words for the language, as Ingerish has in modern times. Modern Kojolese is written using the Romantian script since 1701, however before it was common to use a mix of the Pyilser alphabet with Meilanese characters.
Note: Due to the existence of three different registers, this article will, in its detailed descriptions, talk about the "Rikaikishi" (scientific register), unless mentioned otherwise, as this is the form in which Kojolese encyclopedias are written in.
- 1 History (tbc)
- 2 Geographic distribution and regional dialects
- 3 Phonology and writing system
- 4 Registers
- 5 Grammar
- 6 Noun and Adjective Declining; "to be"
- 7 Vocabulary
The commonly named "ancestor", or substrate language, of modern Kojolese is Kimo-Axian Pyilser. This language came into being around the area of today's Pyingshum, and was used only there up to the Kojolese civil war and the big migration wave in the 1620's. As most Kimo-Axian languages of that time, it used a mix of vaguely romantian-representing letters together with traditional Meilanese characters (although the difference in writing material caused the fonts to look very different). With the invention of the printing press, the Kojolese letters experienced a strong stylistic shift, with new print fonts emerging. Similar to Ingerish and other languages using the Romantian alphabet, this simpler geometrical font was used on all kinds of printed publications, however in handwriting the old (connected) way of writing was still common. Around this time the decline in usage of Meilanese characters started, as printing solely in "native" Kojolese letters was much easier.
A large influence of Nihonish and Meilanese vocabulary on Kimo-Axian languages meant that often times, a Meilanese character (mostly used for word stems, with endings and grammar words being written in the native alphabet) could have as much as 3 different meanings and readings depending on context. When the dynasty around Pyingshum slowly gained control over the other, often smaller principalities all over Kojo, and eventually unified the area of today's Kojo under their rule after the Kojolese civil war, the dialect of the new capital acted as a unifier and common denominator for all Kimo-Axian dialects, starting a quick process of alignment. However, before unification, in 1622 King Surb Rēkku had been married with the daughter of Hopponese leader Ato Nabunga, Chihaya Nabunga "The Vain". She not only insisted on preserving the royal court she was used to in Hoppon in her new home Pyingshum by taking the complete royal court with her, but also many admirers followed her all the way from Hoppon and settled in Kojo. This meant another wave of Nihonish loan words, now mostly in noble language which later developed into the formal register. While Kojolese's basic grammar and vocabulary come from Pyilser or other died-out Kojolese Kimo-Axian languages, loan words of Nihonish and Meilanese as well as Ataraxian Franquese origin are very common in modern Kojolese.
In 1701, the new King Surb Kyiffae, son of Surb Rēkku, decided to finally officially drop the confusing and complex "combined" system of the old native Pyilser [armenian] alphabet intermixed with Meilanese characters. Since then on Kojolese is written using a slightly modified Romantian alphabet, which was also used in all neighbouring countries. This mean was taken to promote the national idea in the newly found kingdom and to quickly establish standard Kojoshi as the language of the land.
Geographic distribution and regional dialects
Kojo is mostly spoken in Kojo and by Kojolese emigrants all over the world. In Kojo there are some regions with local dialects. These vernaculars, often dating back to distinct Kimo-Axian languages before the 17th century, can differ slightly or strongly from standard Kojolese in terms of pronunciation, choice of words, and sometimes grammar. However, they are not only always intelligible with each other, but also every native speaker of any specific dialect (for the most part) can switch to the standard dialect when the situation requires it. Dialects are, with few exceptions, most pronounced in the familiar register Tanōikishi.
Many regional lexical differences can also be traced back to influences of foreign languages. For example from 1622 onward, in the wider Pyingshum area many terms of higher register were borrowed from Hopponese due to the royal intermarriage, while the names of famous landmarks in the west of the country stemming from pre-unification royalty for a great part resemble Ataraxian Franquese terminology.
These are the largest and most distinct dialects in Kojo:
Spoken around the western portion of the coast, from Hetta to the border with Ataraxia and mostly in Fóskiman-iki. It is the most prevalent dialect in Kojolese media due to its large number of speakers at over 4 million, followed by Pacchisaelshi. The dialect can be subdivided into finer distinctions, gradually changing from east to west.
Common in Pacchipyan-iki, where it's used by about 80% of the population in their everyday life (slightly above 2.5 million). In rural areas the dialect is noticeably stronger than in the large cities, especially Jaka, traditionally a trading city. The most prominent feature is the glossing-over or sometimes even omission of vowel sounds, making the dialect sound slightly "harsh" to the unused ear. This, as well as some distinct vocabulary (e.g. in the areas of trade, water, nature and related fields), are remains of the language of the local Pakkyaeraeng Kingdom that governed the area prior to 1620, before the great wave, and, later, the Kojolese unification.
Sometimes called (insulting or proudly) 'farmers' tongue'; although spoken in the sparsely populated and infertile savanna, steppe and cities of the west, namely Lainyerō-iki.
Situated in the far north-west of the country, Sappaér-iki's dialect is strongly influenced by Ataraxian Franquese. This is seen in general pronunciation as well as the fact that even more loanwords than usual are taken from Ataraxian.
Spoken in the mountainous north-east of the country, mostly in rural communities.
A dialect concentrated on the centre and immediate suburbs of Kari. Syntax can differ strongly from the standard dialect, but the words themselves remain mostly the same. Closely related to this is the Oéshkaernain variant spoken in the Kingdom of Oéshkaernain.
A dialect spoken in the city of Rō by about 45,000 of the 255,000 inhabitants. Common grammar structures and are heavily shortend and compressed, following complex and often irregular patterns. For example, 'Potte ja' becomes 'Poccha'; another, less comprehensible example, is the general indirect object marker 'KI', which can also become 'KYU', 'KÍ', CHĪ or 'JJI', depending on the word that precedes it. Closely related to the Kimo-Axian languages used in liturgical texts of Symvanism.
Phonology and writing system
Kojolese phonology is strictly syllable based, with every syllable following one of the following four patterns:
a) V ; a vowel
b) V-m ; a vowel followed by a versatile consonant
c) k-V or m-V ; a fixed/versatile consonant followed by a vowel
d) k-V-m or m-V-m ; a fixed/versatile consonant followed by a vowel, followed by another versatile consonant.
In other words, versatile consonants are sounds that may be easily pronounced as the end of a syllable. These versatile consonants are: l,m,n,ng and in some exceptions sh, r.
Fixed consonants, which can therefore (usually) only be at the start of a syllable, are: b,p,d,t,z,s,(sh,)ch,w,f,g,k,j,(r,)h. Some loan words, some old words and some very rare syllables form exceptions, such as the consonant combination ts- and some words ending in -z.
sh and ch as well as ae, oe and ue are generally treated as if they were single letters, dating back to when they actually were in the now obsolete Pyilser alphabet. Since ch is the only way a c is used in Kojolese the h is sometimes dropped, like in short-hand. Respectively, ts is treated as t+s, since there didn't exist a single combined letter for that sound.
The y can work as a semi-vowel after b,p,d,t,f,g,k,r,h,l,m,n and before a following vowel, signalling palatalisation (kya, myo, ryue etc).
The w can also work as a semi-vowel after a k in some very rare instances such as Kwaengdō or Díkwi; it is however still considered a consonant. The "ng", although technically grouped with the versatile consonants, actually only occurs at the end of syllables.
In Kojolese, macrons (¯) and acute (´) accents are put above a letter when that vowel is long or intensely stressed, respectively. In the IPA transcription, the long vowel is followed by "ː", while the pitch indicated by the acute either resembles a stress on the first syllable (shown by "ˈ" in front of that syllable), or means that the previous syllable had a slight tone drop. Then, a "ꜜ" is placed between the two syllables.
To avoid ambiguity about the cut-off between syllables, mostly when dealing with ng, vowels or y, an apostrophe (') is used where necessary (examples: "Manguel" ("Mang-ül"), "Man'guel" (Man-gül"), "Man'gu'el" ("Man-gu-el") or "Kamya" ("Ka-mya"), Kam'ya ("Kam-ya"))
Double consonants (usually "k", "t" or "p", but others are common as well) are pronounced slightly harsher and with a little pause (glottal stop, "ʔ") after them in which the consonant's sound is "held" (e.g: Tokkyue -> "tock-yüh", without letting go after finishing the "k" sound)
Unlike the connection to Nihonish might imply, Kojoshi doesn't know a very complex or strict system of honorific speech. However, three very distinct registers have developed, each used in different types of social settings. In spoken language, two of these can also be further subdivided into "clear speech" or "shortened speech". Those so-called registers becoming distinguished styles is usually seen as the final marking line between Middle and Modern Kojolese (along with the major writing reform), which took place in the 18th century.
Although each register has its own distinct function, they can also be used to play with the language and create a certain atmosphere. An author of a cooking book might want to address its reader formally, but could also go for a very distanced and scientific reader-author relationship or, on the opposite spectrum, make the reader experience the narrator as a close friend giving tips on how to bake just the right cake for the next social gathering. Also, any piece of journalistic work or political speech could generally be written in any of these 3 registers, what impression the author wants to give and what relationships they want to establish with the audience.
Tanōikishi - Familiar Register
The familiar register is used when speaking or writing with:
- familiar persons, such as family, friends, school mates or work colleges in relaxed working environments
- unfamiliar persons of the same demographic (mostly age) in strictly non-professional circumstances; also applies to older generations, for example two elderly in their 70's might use this register when asking each other for directions
In the familiar register, shortened speech is the most prevalent; particle clusters and other common grammatical features often merge into distinct shortened abbreviations, and single phonemes are often skipped or only slightly articulated. However, not only is written Tanōikishi usually written in "long-form" (unless for example dialogues want to emphasize the intimate relationship between two characters, or in chatting), but the "properly pronounced" yet still more personal Tanōikishi can be used in cases where it's either unclear whether Tanōikishi or Kēikishi are appropriate or some level of respect should still be shown, for example when introducing oneself to another guest at a party of friends, when asking strangers of the same age group for direction etc.
Out of the three registers, T.I. has the largest amount of influence from ancient Kimo-Axian vocabulary, as scientific or toplofty words are uncommon.
Kēikishi - Formal Register
The formal register is used when speaking or writing with:
- working collegues in formal work environments
- any kind of formal or professional situation, such as business, school (a teacher will speak this way to the students and the other way round), or customer-service situations (unless the business sets a focus on being extremely personal and amicable)
- any kind of situation where there is a difference in hierarchy between the speakers involved; in early middle Kojolese it was normal for the superior person to use the "descending" Tanōikishi, however with the revolution of 1834 this way of communication was labelled "un-democratic" and quickly fell out of use, as superiors adopted the same formal register as their workers
- news stories or comments, or personal speeches (since there is a strong reference to the reader or the author/narrator takes an active part in telling the story/makes it more personal)
Besides a general difference in choice of words (for many verbs, nouns or adjectives there exist "proper", polite Kēikishi forms as well as more colloquial and slacky terms for Tanōikishi; for example, one would say "to eat pig meat" in Tanōikishi but "to eat pork" in Kēikishi, or "driving thing" instead of the non-composite "car") particle clusters aren't shortened like in T.I. and there is more weight given to the relation between speaker and listener.
In Kēikishi, short or "mumbled" form is only acceptable when there is a difference in hierarchy between the speakers involved; for example, a shop cleric will speak "proper" long-form Kēikishi to a customer, that customer however may, without seeming rude, answer in shortened Kēikishi. In most working environments it would be seen as unfitting if a boss spoke shortened Kēikishi to their subordinates, however in traditionalist companies or a limited number of special subordinate-superior relationships this can still be observed.
K.I. sources a comparatively large part of its vocabulary from Nihonish, due to the influx of Hopponese court language after 1622.
Rikaikishi - Scientific Register
The scientific register is used when speaking or writing:
- abstract texts that do not address a specific reader or claim general validity (such as laws or science books)
- any type of neutral scientific piece of work
- news reports or abstract speeches (that is, neutral conveying of information about events)
For R.I. there exists no shortened form, and the particle system is especially pronounced. It is said that this register makes it nearly impossible to leave ambiguity or being vague, without actively spelling it out that way. Students learn this register at school, and it is most commonly found as written language. Even though the particle list below deals with the particles from a R.I. perspective, in R.I. it is not unusual to form larger particle clusters to convey additional nuances and remove ambiguity. Especially in law texts, Rikaikishi can be very hard to understand even for native speakers. For example, in those type of documents a whole subset of modal verbs is used just to indicate different kinds of permissiveness, obligation, shoulds or mays.
Because Kojolese civil law was always under the influence of neighbouring Ataraxia, many Franquese-resembling words are used.
Other important differences between registers
Pronouns in Kojolese differ depending on the register used. Each register sourced a large number of its pronouns from a different language of origin. Also the degree of nuancedness varies depending on the register, and some pronouns have different meanings in different registers despite being spelled and pronounced the exact same way.
- Depending on whether a vowel (long) or consonant (short) is following
- Till the 20th century it was common to use yaesh instead of wádash in Kēikishi settings when holding inner monologues, e.g. thinking about or speaking to oneself. Today this feature is for the most part only found in literature, idioms and figurative speech such as rhetorical questions.
- Old Pyilser: arka, "king", was the standard to address the rule directly. When the monarchy became unpopular, it became used as a standard pronoun for males.
- Court members betitled Queen Nobunga with plural naráng instead of "she"; it stuck and became the standard polite "she".
|He/She (Gender neutral pers. sg.)|
|One (animate sg., "a person" or animal)||hom|
|They (unambiguous, usually inanimate)|
|You (sg. or pl.)|
Some pronouns used to inflect in Rikaikishi when affected by particles, influence from Franquese origin. For example, instead of "je so" for "mine" one would use the Ataraxian influenced "mō". That was very complicated when dealing with particle clusters and took away from the nuancedness as people weren't sure if it was ok to use the pronouns plain form plus particle or the equivalent Ataraxian alternative, or even whether there was an equivalent in Ataraxian without having a good grasp of that language's basic grammar. Just using plain forms with particles became acceptable in the 1930's. Today, it is still technically correct to use the Ataraxian based inflected forms to substitute for the pronoun and one following particle for stylistic reasons, but if more than one particle is applied to the pronoun the cluster has to be attached to the plain form.
Ingerish base message: "My pet entered the room."
Tanōikishi: "Pecchi senpā goel ye." ("My" and subject marker for pet omitted; "Pet room into went.")
Kēikishi: "Wádash so pecchi senpā goel yuke." ("yuku" is KS and RS for "go", "yu" is used in TS, "Pecchi" is still acceptable for pet; "My pet room into went." )
Rikaikishi: "Je so/Mō watabikki ja senpā goel je hyuém yuke." (no omissions anymore. The fact that the narrator is inside the room when the pet enters now has to be explicitly stated; "My personal animal room into me towards went.")
very incomplete, work in progress
In Kojoshi, particles are used to indicate the role of a noun in a sentence, or the relation of nouns to each other, or the role of an entire clause. Particles are mostly single syllables or short words that don't change, and usually stand behind (or in between) the noun(s) (or part of a sentence) that they are applied on. Usually, if they precede a word they with their respective trail modify the following word.
|JA||Case marker||Standard subject marker. Marks the noun it follows as the subject (the thing that "is" or "does") in the sentence/clause. Is frequently omitted, especially in spoken language.||I live: wádash JA laébumru|
|WA||Case marker||Emphasised subject marker. Marks the noun it follows as the subject (the thing that "is" or "does") in the sentence/clause, while also either pointing out that this is actually the subject (in cases were it seems unlikely from the context), or to point out a comparison with another subject marked with "WA" in another sentence/clause.|| My pet walks me! (Instead of me walking my pet): wádash so pecchi WA wádash sum hikukkuriyukum!|
I am alive, (and, in contrast) you're dead: wádash WA laébumru, kigang WA shikksaru
|SUM||Case Marker||Direct object marker. The marked noun is directly affected by the action from the subject.||I'm wearing clothes: wádash ja úlmasumolno SUM úlmasum|
|KI||Case Marker||General indirect object marker. The marked noun is indirectly affected by the action of the subject. However, for most cases there are more distinct particles. Is used if proper particle is unknown, e.g. not enough context, or to put emphasize on the fact that something is INdirectly affected (e.g. although it is not present). Also sometimes used to express "for the sake of"/"for" when the reason is not very strong or not the foremost cause of an action (Otherwise the more distinctive "reason"-particles are used, when the relation of cause and effect are very clear or to be stressed).|| I'm taking a photo for you (because you asked me to): wádash ja foto sum kigang KI lusunum|
Memorial (dedicated) to the victims: Zō ki Mémorial
|NIJÚINDE||Description||Marks the word it follows as the topic the next thing is about, i.e. concerning, or dedicated to sth., like a memorial.|| Are (you) talking about me?: wádash NIJÚINDE azelum da? |
Index about neighbourhoods: Harefan nijúinde Índae
|DAEKI||Description||Generalizes the commonly associated properties of the word preceding and turns it into an adjective, similar to "of a kind", "like", "typical"||Kojolese food: Kojo DAEKI uetaumolno|
|NODE||Reason||Marks the reason or rather factual dependence of an action.||Because it rained, I am wet: Amye NODE, wádash ja weng|
|TAMNI||Reason||Marks the reason or rather underlying, jointly responsible cause of an action.||I bought this present because of you (for someone else, but you told me about this particular article): kigang TAMNI néruka sum gyinele|
|LUI||Reason||Marks the reason or rather personal justification or incentive of an action.|| I learn in order to reach/for the sake of fluency: Chúju LUI soworu|
I bought a present for you. (I needed a present for you): kigang LUI néruka sum gyinele
|KĀWARYUZU||Reason||Expresses that sth. is done despite something else.||Although I can't fly, I try to: wádash ja hayeláurau KĀWARYUZU, haleyomyu.|
|RE||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "towards" something/where/one.|| South West leading highway: Aku Limbē RE Góso|
I go to(wards) the cafe: wádash ja kafe RE yuku
|GOEL||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "into" something/where/one.||I go into (I enter) the cafe: wádash ja kafe GOEL yuku|
|JUNG||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "out of" something/where/one.||I "go/move" (leave) out of the cafe: wádash ja kafe JUNG yuku|
|KARA||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject) "from" something/where/one.||I "go" (come) from the cafe. (-> from the perspective of so. standing outside): wádash ja kafe KARA yuku|
|HYUÉM (1)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the direct object) "into" or "towards" something/where/one. Often used with "to give sth. to" etc.|| I gave you the camera: wádash ja kigang HYUÉM kaemera sum jotte|
You threw it on the ground: Kigang ja kaemera sum chikku HYUÉM marákupe
|HYUÉM (2)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject, only when no direct object mentioned) "vaguely towards" something/where/one. Often used to differentiate between to come/to leave etc. -> makes clear what position of the speaker is|
|SINKA (1)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the direct object) "from" or "out of" something/where/one. Often used with "to receive from" etc.|| I got the camera from you: Potte ja wádash SINKA kaemera sum hiruke|
I caught the ball out of the air: Kashi ja pila sum zōng SINKA tokyuwe
|SINKA (2)||Direction||Indicates a movement or direction (of the subject, only when no direct object mentioned) "vaguely away from" something/where/one. Often used to differentiate between to come/to leave etc. -> makes clear what position of the speaker is|
|SO||Connective||Subordinates the following to the prior noun/part of a sentence. Can indicate various relations such as possessiveness or location, or can be descriptive|| My house, the house of mine, etc.: wádash so ukkyae; |
(the city of) Toribiri in Kojo, Kojo's Toribiri etc.: Kojo so Toribiri
either the colour of the leave or (descriptive) leave-colour: Halim so yinfa
|KO||Connective||Equal and complete "and" connective; two or more elements are combined, and seen as one in further grammatical constructions. When more than two things are listed, commas can be used with only the last two parts being connected via "KO". Implies a completeness of the list.||(Ministry of) Commerce, Trade and Infrastructure: Kishamolno, Jijiyaengmolno ko Hīshíbyaeng (so Naelnimyue)|
|FĀ||Connective||Equal and incomplete "and" connective; two or more elements are combined, and seen as one in further grammatical constructions. When more than two things are listed, commas can be used with only the last two parts being connected via "FĀ". Implies an incompleteness of the list.||I did (things as) x, y and z (and others): wádash ja x, y FĀ z sum fúshe|
|MI||Connective||Subordinating "and"(->"with") connective; two or more elements are combined, and seen as one in further grammatical constructions. The word(s) with a different marker are seen as the main actor(s), the word(s) followed by MI are only accompanying.||You are cooking with me (e.g. "I" am just watching and trying to learn): Kigang ja wádash MI tsumáryō fúshum;|
|BUE||Location||Indicicates a location in(side) of something, e.g. an area or room.|| I can live in Kojo: wádash ja Kojo BUE laébumráu|
I live in Toribiri (which is situated) in Kojo: Kojo BUE aru Toribiri BUE laébumru
I am "in"(at) the office (right now): wádash ja Jimshō BUE arum
|SOCHI||Location||Indicicates a location out(side) of something, e.g. an area or room.||I want to live outside of Kojo (somewhere else): wádash ja Kojo SOCHI laébumrisau|
|AÉKUE||Location||Indicates a location at something, usually a point or other single element/location.||I am at the door: wádash ja duri AÉKUE arum|
|ABU||Location||Indicates a location above something (can be used stylistic, e.g. for a difference in importance), e.g. an area or point.||Birds fly above (my) house: Gozu ja ukkyae ABU hayelu|
|DE||Location||Indicates a location on something.||The bird sits on (my) house: Gozu ja ukkyae DE ishum|
|HAKKI||Location||Indicates a location next to something (can be used stylistic, e.g. for showing equal importance).||Next to my house there us a tree: wádash so ukkyae HAKKI chā ja aru|
|MÁRE||Location||Indicates a location in front of something (implying the object has a front side).||You are (standing) in front of me: wádash MÁRE kigang ja aru|
|YETE||Location||Indicates a location behind something (implying the object has a backside).||I am (standing) behind you: kigang YETE wádash ja aru|
|TAKYOE||Location||Indicates a location below something.|
|MIJAE||Location||Indicates a location in between something.|
|NÍ||Time||When, in (1988), (in the year) of, A point in time (conditional), also strict causation|
|Conditional||Likely if-clause||If it rains, I will|
|Conditional||Unlikely if-clause||If it rained, I would|
|Conditional||Impossible if-clause||if it had rained, I would have|
|DA||Clause||Marks a sentence as a question, used both for polar (yes/no) and open questions.||Kigang ja XXX Kojoshi sum soworum DA? (Why) are you learning Kojolese?|
|MON||Clause||A milder way of marking a question or an uncertain statement, often when only seeking clarification, proper confirmation or urging the listener to elaborate on the topic.||A: Kojoshi so zensho wa dehal ku. B: Ā, Kojoshi sum soworum MON? A: Kojolese grammar is difficult. B: Oh, so you are learning Kojolese?|
|TTE/DE||Clause||Follows a direct or indirect quote, usually followed by a verb like "say", "tell", "hear" etc. TTE if final sound of the quote is a vowel, DE if it's a consonant.|| Kigang ja Kojoshi sum soworomyum DE ishe. (I) heard you are trying to learn Kojolese. |
"Wádash ja Kojoshi sum soworu" TTE alga ja azele. He said "I learn Kojolese".
List of common particle clusters
- NÍ YÉRI (in... after); only in, as late as
Due to the practice of using Hopponese-borrowed Meilanese characters until 1701, many affixes are of Meilanese or Nihonish origin. However equally many stem from original Kimo-Axian usages.
Changing words to a different word class
When creating a new word of a different word class, there is a wide array of suffixes to do so.
|Verb||-|| root+-no/-doen/-molno/-sói/-hīchon..., standard nominalisation
|Noun|| -yu/-shu turns noun into action most commonly associated; actor -> to act
To make something <noun>; large array of affixes and prefixes, see below the table
|-|| -daeki creates common adjective: demomínzudaeki -> democracy(tic); assoldaeki -> unity(ary)|
|Adjective|| to make something <adjective>; large array of affixes and prefixes, see below
<adjective>-ku/-jae/-yōni... <become>/<change>... (dependent on register);to become <adjective>
| -sur creates common noun: liberal<ism>
verb root: drop the final syllable
verb stem: drop the final u when preceding consonant can be put at the end of a syllable, otherwise change u to i.
~complex verb creation: [PH]
Conceptional suffixes and prefixes
Zóng(shin)- central, main
Jō- (the) people: Jō-bun people, Jō-bunmyeru republic...
Ta- large, big, major, of a different scale
Hakk-/hang/, (-vowel/w->y/y, -consonant) special, out of the ordinary, unusual
Sō-/sōf (-cons., -vowel) ordinary, normal, usual
Soém/Soémi (-vowel.,-cons.) semi-, half, hybrid
(noun, place names)
-sul, common for towns and cities
-uel, common for villages -tsūm, like -dom in dukedom, kingdom etc
[-iki, -sur, -dengshō, -Pang, -Jūwaéi]
-sha creates a profession(/person closely associated with the stem) etc. from a noun or sometimes from a verb: Demomínzu<sha> -> Democracy<crat> (in the wider sense)
-we generic building, example: hyosilwe, office building; Gēshusamnengwe, Opera house; Yínyuē-Taitaiwe, theatre ...
-zi some type of public transportation, usually rail: Chezi, Norikichezi, Dōzi, Dyanchezi...
-kanú shop -díso place, site (construction site etc.) -gyu area, site (industrial/commercial area, landuse etc.) ...
arha- (arhazi, arhawe) first, starting point
nakkō- (nakkōzi, nakkōwe) prior
a'-(cons.), ā-(w, y), apy-(vowel); (ajji (a-zi), ā-we...) next, subsequent
baélj-(vowel), baél- (baélzi, baélwe)last, ending point
Icch- impact, to (be) hit, arrivals
hyoel- to buy, to win for one's side,
ota-/oda- to let go/give away/to loosen ...
maekk- to go away/to flee/to depart ...
shad-(V)/shadd-(syllable with versatile cons./h, cons. replaced by dd)/sha-(syllables with fixed cons., fixed cons. doubled)
Verbs in Kojolese are conjugated in 6 tenses (past, present and future, each with an optional progressive aspect), genera verbi (active and passive), and can be further modified with modal verbs (want, should, let's...). Kojolese is an agglutinative language, that means verb modifying morphems can be added to the verb indefinitely until the meaning becomes to complicated for even natives to understand. There are no classes of verbs that demand different conjugation, besides small differences depending on what comes before the final -u.
Tenses work rather simple; in the simple present every verb end in -u, for the progressive aspect this becomes -um. The simple past and past progressive are created with -e and -em, the future and the future progressive (only rarely used) are marked with -i and -im respectively. This also applies to modal verbs.
The most common way to express passiveness in a larger sentence is to use the (transitive) verb in a noun modifying clause before the respective noun. For example, odamishe tsuri ja toidaebu would mean "the sold flower blossoms".
In simple passive sentences where in Ingerish the objective is to leave out the subject, the subject can simply be omitted in Kojolese and the thing the action is being done to is still marked with the direct subject marker SUM. The sentence "Yaesh sum byoeltsi" would mean "I will be killed", or litterally "(something) will kill me".
As a third option, the modal verb o.rau can be used to turn every verb into the passive form, with the final -u of the verb changing to an "o" (unless there is another vowel before the final -u, then the bridge vowel is not needed).
Verb forms (including modal verbs) can all be negated with the modal verb (u).rau. Where the negation(s) take place in the chains of main verb and modal verbs is very important to the meaning; for example, mish.rai.sau (buy.not.want) means "I don't want to BUY", but mishi.sa.rau (buy.want.not) means "I don't WANT to buy" (but I NEED to/was FORCED to...).
Modal verbs follow the verb they modify, and can build long chains. In the standard form, the modal verb overwrites the tense of the main verb. When it's important to retain the past or future tense of the main verb, the tenses themselves need to be expressed by another modal verb in between the main verb and the following modal verbs. These tense markers are the origin of the modern (shortened) tense forms. In Rikaikishi it is necessary to always use the modal verb form for the past and future tenses when adding modal verbs after the verb, and use the plain form strictly for the present tense. The present progressive aspect is lost in these cases and needs to be emphasized with marker words such as "right now".
Modal verbs usually consist of one or two syllables, and change the last syllable of the predecessor depending on the syllable structure. There are three ways the final syllable(s) of a verb (including modal verbs themselves) can look like:
- M-u (the final u finishes off a syllable starting with a versatile consonant) (Type 1)
- F-u (the final u finishes off a syllable starting with a fixed consonant) (Type 2)
- -V-u (the -u stands alone after a syllable ending in a vowel) (Type 3)
FC=fixed cons., can only stand at beginning; M=Versatile cons.; V=Vowel
Depending on the types above, modal verbs might simply change the -u to another vowel, keep the -u, or attach themselves to the stem (e.g. leave out the bridge vowel completely).
i.sau - to want
á.u - to can
o.myu - to try
(u).rau - NOT; U only when there is a fixed consonant before final -u, e.g. syllable needs to be completed.
ue.meru - begin o.rau - passive
"vorschlag" -> lass uns... ~(doppelkonsonant)yo! bzw nur yo; dann oft end-u weg yuku -> yukkyo hayelu -> hayellyo uetau -> ueta(u)yo
Explicit tense markers:
- past - past progressive - future - future progressive
Noun and Adjective Declining; "to be"
Nouns and adjectives are mostly unchanged in Kojolese, and the verb "to be" usually does most of the inflection, such as tense marking, negating etc. that are not done by the particles (which can express a wide range of aspects such as possessiveness, reasoning or change). The following table gives an overview over the several translations of "to be" in Kojolese, depending on the register and the use as a copula.
"X is Y"
"X is there/exists"
often omitted when particles explain context
All forms of "to be" inflect like any regular verb.
Numerals in Kojoshi retain a certain stem, and their ending changes depending on what grammatical purpose they serve; often these endings look similar to the particle with the respective function, although there are many exceptions and irregularities.
When forming large compound numbers, all numerals stay in their standard form and only the last numeral indicated the grammatical function; 11 and 12 are exceptions.
Importantly, particle clusters have to be avoided with numerals; if for example one wants to say "(the item) on the fifth (rank of the shelf)", the particle ending for ~th and "of" would not merge, but instead the lowest tier of information (here the ordinal ~th part) is conveyed in the ending of the numeral, and the other particles are attached after that in their standard form, forming "hile de". Note that these situations usually only occur when the sentences are extremely shortened and all already mentioned information is omitted, as the long form would be "SHELF so hile RANK de". When speaking or writing in a precise manner this issue therefore usually doesn't come up. However, when for example very abstract and wordy concepts are counted, they are then usually summarised as the appropriate nominaliser, and then this nominaliser is put after the numeral which again only holds the lowest tier of particle information; all other remaining particles are then following the nominaliser like any usual particle cluster.
name of number itself, counting, money
5 dogs, 7 years, 10 degrees
The 5th row
Usually other time particles following
Day of the month, sim. to ord. number
primary, secondary, tertiary...