Teotiyolcan

Empire of Teotiyolcan Hueyaltpetl Teotiyolcan (Nahuatlatolli) Capital: Callinatlacan Population: 31,624,000 (2020) Anthem: Cuicatilipahuetzi

---

Loading map... {"tileLayer":"//{s}.tile.openstreetmap.org/{z}/{x}/{y}.png","attribution":"\u0026copy; \u003Ca href=\"http://osm.org/copyright\"\u003EOpenStreetMap\u003C/a\u003E contributors","center":{"lat":-7.657,"lon":14.678},"zoom":"6","maxzoom":"14","minzoom":"4","overlays":"+Country","overlaydef":"{\n \"Country\": {\"function\": \"boundaryRelation\", \"param\": 11707}\n}"}

Teotiyolcan is a country in the North Lycene region of Tarephia, and borders Valaga and TA101 to the east, Hueyapan in the south, Soboko and the Magellan Confederation on the east, and TA103 in the north. It one of the few Lycene countries to have avoided colonization entirely, and has brought its culture, religion, and traditions into the modern age unencumbered by a colonial legacy. The empire was originally a loose confederation of city-states dominated by the Triple Cities, which are located in the north of the nation. Callinatlacan, the Holy City, became the capital of the nation as it centralized. The country was first encountered by the Franquese, who made a small settlement on the coast in 1408, before being driven out 68 years later in 1476. Castellan first made contact in 1554, planning to start a colony. The Teotiyolcani fought back, giving Castellan a favorable trading agreement with them in exchange for protection and the ability for some castellanese to settle in the country without fear, which has resulted in many castellanese settling in the south of the country, and that area has become the place with the most castellanese influence.

The triple cities urbanized and grew rapidly in the 1700s and especially the 1800s, with the rest of the country close behind. The Triple Cities are just over 20 million in population all together in the modern day, and are a very large metro area. Teotiyolcan has multiple other large cities, but none approach the size of the Triple City Metro Area, which dominates the country, nor do they exceed one million in population. The Triple cities are not highly wealthy, but still dense and populous. In the political sphere, the country, despite being highly expansionist prior to contact with the castellanese, with the military power of the triple cities taking control of numerous other city-states, ceased to be militarily active on the borders in order to focus on defense, but did annex some border regions from Ingerish colonies in Valaga in the 1700s , which continues to cause tension today. The country has a HDI of .74, but many areas are poorer, and some are richer . The government is still an Empire, with the Emperor ruling by divine mandate, but high-ranking government officials take on much of the actual governing duties. The Emperor is rarely involved in normal operations of government. The polytheistic religion is integrated into society, with very few atheists. Although human sacrifice was once an element of the religion, it was eliminated in the early 1400s. Religious festivals are still an important part of life. The geography of the country is marked by multiple large lakes and one major river that runs down the center of the country, and most of the others drain into it. The climate is warm and wet, with much rainforest and a mangrove-lined coast.

History

History of Teotiyolcan
Pre-Huapahuaca Dynasty
• Development of City States	300-600 AD
• Unification of the Triple Cities	734 AD
• First Period of Expansion	760-880 AD
Middle Dynasties
• Establishment of the Huapahuaca Dynasty	1354 AD
• Arrival of the Castellanese	1554 AD
• Yaomoztlati (War)	1554-1578 AD
• Ticocotzoah Dynasty	1640-1723 AD
Modern Era
• Tlateochiuhtli Dynasty	1723-Present Day
• Industrial Revolution
• War Against Valaga
• Reformation

Middle to Late Huapahuaca Dynasty and the Castellanese

Discovery by the Colonial Powers

The Ixpoliuhquamaxac.

The Franquese were the first settlers to arrive in the coastal region of Teotiyolcan, in 1408. Led by the Franquese captain Michel D’Herbert, who had discovered what is now Valaga a few years earlier, the Franquese expedition claimed much of the modern day altepetl of Tenamepetl, and founded a fort and small settlement, which they named Echez, after the count who had financed the expedition. The Franquese conducted expeditions into the interior, but these ended after contact with the Altepetl, who were violent towards the Franquese after a poor first impression. D’Herbert conducted two further expeditions towards the mouth of the Alvernes. He was unable to draw close to the land due to the immense mangrove forest that grows around the web of a delta on the north coast, known by Teotiyolcani as the “Ixpoliuhquamaxac” , or the intricate/confusing delta. After almost running aground when venturing too close to the shore, D’Herbert reluctantly elected to follow the coast from a distance. He did note, in a passage of his report on the coast that (translated) reads as:

“This devil coast seems almost unreachable. I noted what seemed to me as some islands of greater elevation, where perhaps a ship and her crew could find a place to settle.”

After sailing further towards the Alvernes, D’Herbert noticed the mouth of a large bay, which he thought might be the location of a native kingdom that the Tename paid tribute to. He was partially right, of course, and had he not been forced to turn around due to a combination of factors, history might be quite different. The Franquese colony in Echez was abandoned in 1476, and taken over by the Tename, who gave it the name of Contzenyoh.

Sketch of Lopez dated to around 1498.

The Castellanese were gearing up colonization efforts in the mid-1500s, after the success of the colonization in Latina and elsewhere in the Lyc. The north of the Lyc, although somewhat known from Franquese colonization efforts, was still in many respects unexplored, in particular the interior of the land there. As such, the Castellanese crown decided to bring it under Castellanese control.

It was under this atmosphere that Juan Manuel López began to undertake his infamous expedition to map the north coast of “El Brazo Oeste”. López (the son of Manuel Rafal López, an esteemed admiral) was a self described “conquistador”, who had from an early age been obsessed with expanding the christic religion to natives in Tarephia. He had become a captain in the Castellanese fleet in his late 20s, thanks to his father, and rapidly gained a reputation for being a strong-willed explorer and passionate christic. Upon learning of the cut-short Franquese expedition, he convinced the Castellanese king to fund an expedition to find the “hidden bay” and the rumored kingdom.

He left from Malgazan in Castellan on July 10 1552 with a fleet of two carracks and a smaller caravel, and would stop in Cabo Bonito, as well as the new settlements of Lucero and Barzona before seeing Contezenyoh in the distance on October 4th. Due to the reputation of the natives for violence, and acknowledging his weaker position, due to the fact that the Tename were armed with guns left behind from the Franquese, decided to continue onwards. On October 7th, he sighted the mangrove forests described by D’Herbert, and attempted to hug the shore, but ran into the shoal surrounding “La Isla Larga”, and nearly ran his ship (The Santa Octavia)  aground on the treacherous shoals. When attempting to cross through the small gap between La Isla Larga, he was struggling to prevent the ship from running aground - and then the tide began to go out, leaving the ship embedded into the tidal flat for two days until high tide enabled the one non-grounded carrack (The Marinero) to enter the tidal flat and quickly help pull out the Octavia and the Gaviota (the caravel). Sailing around the large island, López incorrectly assumed that the presence of this island meant that there was an error in the franquese maps, which he thought had incorrectly assumed the island was a peninsula. As such, he believed that the bay which would contain the kingdom of natives he so wished to find would be just on the other side of the island. The captain of the Marinero (Miguel Matinez), was doubtful, but López was insistent, and so the course began to be adjusted.

The Gaviota before the voyage, sketched by Juan Hernadez, the first mate.

The weather on the coast was highly foggy and wet at the time of the voyage, and had not yet reached its most intense level. This lack of visibility contributed to the difficulty of López (who was normally far more capable of wayfinding) to accurately identify natural features. As they sailed into what Lopez named the “Bahia de López”, the Marinero ran aground on a shoal, and López elected to sail further into the bay, instructing the crew of the Marinero to try and make a small settlement on Isla Larga.

Upon finding nothing at the end of the Bay aside from the entrances to the maze of the Ixpoliuhquamaxac, López, not yet dissuaded, decided that the civilization must lie further inland, and sending the Octavia back to the Marinero, decided to set out into the mangroves, where he believed he could find the kingdom. With a crew of his closest confidants on the Gaviota, he set off into the delta. The constant and heavy fog made it nearly impossible to see any more than a few meters off the side of the ship, and monkeys and mosquitos plagued the crew. López rapidly decided that it had been a horrible mistake to try and enter the mangroves, and despite finding evidence of some human habitation, there was nothing on the scale of the kingdom he had expected.

Ardea Lopez, or Lopez's Egret, first recorded by Lopez.

He elected to turn back, but rapidly found that the crew had absolutely no idea where they were, and the Gaviota became lost in the delta. After 15 days of wandering the delta, the Gaviota came out on the other side of the Isla Larga, and discovered multiple islands of higher elevation at the edge of the mangroves, which López marked with a red flag, planning to build a fort on the largest. López was by this time exhausted and fending off mutiny, and so returned to the two carracks. López would leave behind a small settlement on Isla Larga. He dubbed the coast, La Costa Diablo, “The Devil’s Coast”.

The next year, López returned to the coast significantly more prepared, with an additional carrack, the Obrigedo. He stopped for a month to begin the building of a wooden fort on the island he had marked, and left behind a contingent of settlers and soldiers who were to attempt to map the delta. López had convinced the governor to choose Mateo Lazulo to lead that expedition. This has been widely regarded as López’s revenge on Lazulo, as Lazulo had abused López’s daughter, his only living relative after his father died in 1548.

López continued down into the main bay, which was in reality a delta, and encountered the altepetl of  Atoyatencuatl on May 26th, 1554.

The Castellanese Offensive

In May of 1554, Lopez met the tlatoani of the altepetl, which was the most powerful on the coast at the time. The tlatoani, Mahuxipe, received the new arrivals with pleasure, and treated them as honored guests in his palace. Mahuxipe used a Tename named Liiso, who was able to speak Franquese and who quickly learned the basics of castellanese, as a translator. Lopez, who was a fervent christici, began introducing the concept of christicism to the court of the tlatoani. He was met with bemused refusal to convert, and in fact was met with efforts to convert him to the Teotiyolcani religion. Lopez, furious at what he saw as ignorance and heathanism, rapidly lost any status he had as a foreign emissary among the Teotiyolcani.

Believing that the people could not be reasoned with, Lopez rapidly decided that the best way to continue would be to claim the land and conquer it for the Castellanese crown. Lopez believed that if he was granted five hundred more soldiers, he would be able to crush the altepetl. As such, he sent the Gaviota away to Gran Fojenica to seek approval from the governor there to recruit the appropriate number of additional men and ships. In the meantime, he planned to launch a surprise attack on the city with a combination of naval power and an ambush inside the palace itself.  However, Lopez had underestimated the size of the Teotiyolcani nation. Mahuxipe had been purposefully cagey and secretive about the size of the province, and had failed to mention that he paid tribute to the Hueitlatoani in Callinatlacan, 600 kilometres away. The Hueitlatoani was already aware of Lopez, as the system of horse-powered communication known as the Iciuhcayotitlani was able to carry messages between the two cities in around 50 hours one way.

Lopez began his attack soon after planning it with his captains. The people of Atoyatencuatl woke up to the sound of gunfire as the carracks used cannons to bombard the town, and soldiers from opposite sides fought in the central square. In the palace, Lopez had captured Mahuxipe, but not before the tlatoani had sent a message to the neighboring Altepetel and the Hueitlatoani, requesting immediate reinforcements. Despite Lopez’s orders to the soldiers to minimize casualties, at least a thousand people were killed in what is known as the First Castellanese Massacre or the Atoyatencuatl Massacre. Despite the amount of people killed ,the populace was still restless, and a group of nobles that had escaped into the countryside were rounding up villagers to re-take the city with the coming reinforcements. Around a week after the massacre, a set of a thousand soldiers from Anoncinan and another 600 from Axillohil joined the forces of the nobles and began preparations for an assault. In the dead of night, the advance group of 400 descended on the city, the Teotiyolcani inhabitants of it helping the soldiers escape detection as they traveled both under the city in the drainage system, and above it, climbing over the roofs and walls of the inner section. Once they were in position, they began to clash with the castellanese troops, and the remaining forces entered the city through the front gates, overwhelming Lopez and his crews, at the cost of 200 casualties.

Lopez, realizing his mistake, managed to flee, escaping on the Gaviota and leaving the captains of the other ships to be captured and brought to the Hueitlatoani, Ixmimiztalia II for questioning before being killed, as the she deemed them unworthy of having seen the Holy City of Callinatlacan. This would be the beginning of the Yaomoztlati, the war for the survival of Teotiyolcan against the Castellanese.

The Castellanese reinforcements were rapidly defeated, as they were unprepared for the assault launched by the Teotiyolcani, and the Castellanese general, Erman d’Asono, who was also supervising the assault on the _ in Barzona,

Ticocotzoah Dynasty and the Late Expansion Period

The Ingerish in the Southern Lakes

After the Western War, the Ingerish and Teotiyolcani signed the Treaty of Fojenica in 1705, agreeing to a border running along the Taika River, until the settlement of Oxacuho, where the border would roughly follow a straight line to the village of Arbat. The Ingerish were in a superior position to decide terms, and so forced the Teotiyolcani to allow Ingerish settlement in a special region within Teotiyolcan, in exchange for the ability to continue to trade down the Taika River. The Emperor, Acoquizatl II, was new, and had little choice but to accept the terms. The southern lakes region, which was the area that would be effectively ceded to the business interests of the Ingerish, had a low population and was not able to resist the Ingerish, who rapidly began connecting it to the rest of the Soboko Territory.

The Governor of Soboko, George Parvenick, took advantage of the Treaty (as intended) to expand the influence of the Ingerish in Teotiyolcan now that the Ingerish's dominance in the lakes region had been assured. He sent out 5 consuls to govern the region on the Teotiyolcani side, who then had to contend with the tlatoani that were still in control of the territory on behalf of the emperor of Teotiyolcan. This created a severe tension between the two groups, and so the Governor began to increase efforts to settle those of Ingerish nationality in the lakes region. One of the areas in the Southern Lakes that the Ingerish found the most success in was around the Yucaaxoxohuilli, the second largest lake in the area. The Teotiyolcani side of the lake was marshy and wet, but had very fertile soil and profitable crops already growing, in particular bananas, which were in high demand at the time due to a blight affecting crops in the Latinian peninsula. The first Ingerish consul to oversee the lake, Col. James Bright, named the lake Tikihelle Lake, after a lake in the popular semi-fictional adventure book Journey of a Missionary. By 1711, the Ingerish had begun to settle in the lakes region, and a large number of plantations were being set up.

One of the most prominent buisnessmen of the Ingerish period in the Southern Lakes was Joseph Strawson, who was part of the influential Strawson family, which held a controlling share in the West Tarephian Trading Company. In fact, Joseph's brother, William Strawson, was the head of the company during its heyday, from 1708 to 1744. Joseph believed that Teotiyolcan held great opportunity, and was rather taken with the romanticized impression of the country and its people as noble but lacking in proper Ingerish values that was frequently promoted by literature and newspapers. As such, he decided to move his family and business to the Yucaaxoxohuilli in order to take full advantage of the developing environment.

Joseph Elias Strawson

Government and politics

Government of Teotiyolcan
Bureaucratic Monarchy
Capital	Callinatlacan
Head of state
• Huey Tlatoani	Tecuhuecapanoa
• Huey Cihuacoatl	Tlamatcayetoct
Legislature	N/A

List of Emperors

※ - Abidicated

† - Overthrown/Murdered

‡ - Exiled

No.	Image	Name	Birth	Reign from	Reign to	Notes
The Ahecatl Dynasty (1223-1298)
1		Zozic	?	1223	1242	Possibly an amalgamation of multiple figures.
2		Nahualquizqui I	?	1242	1259
3		Tepopoloanīztlacateteo	?	1259	1276
4		Aquinlecuēni	?	1276	1289
5		Cutoniuhtli	?	1289	1298†
Cencaltin Mayo (1298-1338)
6		Cecepatic	?	1298	1301†
7		Cecepaticiuctli	?	1301	1302
8		Comonquixochitl	?	1302	1314‡
9		Nahualquizqui II	?	1314	1323
10		Tlapayahuiteocuitlalli	?	1323	1338†
Cencaltin Mixcahuia (1338-1352)
11		Chipahualizpahuic	?	1338	1352†	Tried to drastically minimize what he considered the excesses of society, but failed to win over the priesthood and was deposed.
Cencaltin Huapahuaca (1354-1640)
12		Acoquizatl I	?	1354	1372
13		Icnoaicnopilti	?	1372	1392
14		Tecutonameyotl	?	1392	1421
15		Ixmimiztalia I	?	1421	1465
16		Iconotecuhpilti	?	1465	1493
17		Ecatecuhcoyaotl	?	1493	1535
18		Ixmimiztalia II	?	1535	1569
19		Tecuacualnezcayotl	?	1569	1601
20		Yecnemilizticatzintli I	?	1601	1640	Died with no appointed heir.
Cencaltin Ticocotzoah (1640-1723)
21		Yecnemilizticatzintli II	?	1654	1668
22		Yecnemilizticatzintli III	?	1668	1672
23		Yaototiootzinquizqui	?	1672	1690
24		Yecnemilizticatzintli IV	?	1690	1702
25		Acoquizatl II	?	1702	1723†
Cencaltin Tlateochiuhtli (1723-Present Day)
26		Yecnemilizticatzintli V	?	1723	1728
27		Yecnemilizticatzintli VI	?	1728	1743
28		Yecnemilizticatzintli VII	?	1743	1757
29		Tecuiccen	?	1757	1770
30		Axanauaque	?	1770	1782
31		Motititlatonatiuh "Tlamatzintli"	?	1782	1829	The only emperor given a honorific.
32		Motititlatonatiuh II	?	1829	1834※‡
33		Yecnemilizticatzintli VIII	?	1834	1867
34		Tecuacalnemachiliani I	?	1867	1902
35		Tecumahuizo	?	1902	1934
36		Tecuacalnemachiliani II	?	1934	1988
37		Tecuhuecapanoa	?	1988	Present Day