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Flag of Teotiyolcan Empire of Teotiyolcan
Hueyaltpetl Teotiyolcan (Nahuatlatolli)
Capital: Callinatlacan
Population: 31,624,000 (2020)
Anthem: Cuicatilipahuetzi

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Teotiyolcan is a country in the North Lycene region of Tarephia, and borders Valaga and TA101 to the east, Cote d'Or on the south, Soboko and the Magellan Confederation on the east, and TA103 in the north. It one of the few Lycene countries to have avoided colonization entirely, and has brought its culture, religion, and traditions into the modern age unencumbered by a colonial legacy. The empire was originally a loose confederation of city-states dominated by the Triple Cities, which are located in the north of the nation. Callinatlacan, the Holy City, became the capital of the nation as it centralized. The country was first encountered by the Franquese, who made a small settlement on the coast in 1408, before being driven out 68 years later in 1476. Castellan first made contact in 1554, planning to start a colony. The natives were able to negotiate, giving Castellan a favorable trading agreement with them in exchange for protection and the ability for some castellanese to settle in the country without fear, which has resulted in many castellanese settling in the south of the country, and that area has become the place with the most minority castellanese.

The triple cities urbanized and grew rapidly in the 1700s and especially the 1800s, with the rest of the country close behind. The Triple Cities are just over 20 million in population all together in the modern day, and are a very large metro area. The country has multiple other large cities, but none approach the size of the Triple City Metro Area, which dominates the country, nor do they exceed one million in population. The Triple cities are not highly wealthy, but still dense and populous. In the political sphere, the country, despite being highly expansionist prior to contact with the castellanese, with the military power of the triple cities taking control of numerous other city-states, it ceased to be militarily active on the borders in order to focus on defense, but did annex some border regions from Ingerish colonies in Valaga in the 1700s , which continues to cause tension today. The country has a HDI of .74, but many areas are poorer, and some are richer . The government is still an Empire, who rules by divine mandate, but high-ranking government officials take on much of the actual governing duties. The Emperor is rarely involved in normal operations of government. The polytheistic religion is integrated into society, with very few atheists. Although human sacrifice was once an element of the religion, it was eliminated in the early 1400s. Religious festivals are still an important part of life. The geography of the country is marked by multiple large lakes and one major river that runs down the center of the country, and most of the others drain into it. The climate is warm and wet, with much rainforest.



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History of Teotiyolcan
Pre-Huapahuaca Dynasty
• Development of City States300-600 AD
• Unification of the Triple Cities734 AD
• First Period of Expansion760-880 AD
Middle Dynasties
• Establishment of the Huapahuaca Dynasty1354 AD
• Arrival of the Castellanese1554 AD
• Yaomoztlati (War)1554-1578 AD
• Ticocotzoah Dynasty1640-1723 AD
Modern Era
• Tlateochiuhtli Dynasty1723-Present Day
• Industrial Revolution
• War Against Valaga
• Reformation


Early States

Unification and the Ahecatl Dynasty

Instability of the 14th Century

Early Huapahuaca Dynasty

Middle to Late Huapahuaca Dynasty and the Castellanese

Discovery by the Colonial Powers

The Ixpoliuhquamaxac.

The Franquese were the first settlers to arrive in the coastal region of Teotiyolcan, in 1408. Led by the Franquese captain Michel D’Herbert, who had discovered what is now Valaga a few years earlier, the Franquese expedition claimed much of the modern day altepetl of Tenamepetl, and founded a fort and small settlement, which they named Echez, after the count who had financed the expedition. The Franquese conducted expeditions into the interior, but these ended after contact with the Altepetl, who were violent towards the Franquese after a poor first impression. D’Herbert conducted two further expeditions towards the mouth of the Alvernes. He was unable to draw close to the land due to the immense mangrove forest that grows around the web of a delta on the north coast, known by Teotiyolcani as the “Ixpoliuhquamaxac” , or the intricate/confusing delta. After almost running aground when venturing too close to the shore, D’Herbert reluctantly elected to follow the coast from a distance. He did note, in a passage of his report on the coast that (translated) reads as:

“This devil coast seems almost unreachable. I noted what seemed to me as some islands of greater elevation, where perhaps a ship and her crew could find a place to settle.”

After sailing further towards the Alvernes, D’Herbert noticed the mouth of a large bay, which he thought might be the location of a native kingdom that the Tename paid tribute to. He was partially right, of course, and had he not been forced to turn around due to a combination of factors, history might be quite different. The Franquese colony in Echez was abandoned in 1476, and taken over by the Tename, who gave it the name of Contzenyoh.

Sketch of Lopez dated to around 1498.

The Castellanese were gearing up colonization efforts in the mid-1500s, after the success of the colonization in Latina and elsewhere in the Lyc. The north of the Lyc, although somewhat known from Franquese colonization efforts, was still in many respects unexplored, in particular the interior of the land there. As such, the Castellanese crown decided to bring it under Castellanese control.

It was under this atmosphere that Juan Manuel López began to undertake his infamous expedition to map the north coast of “El Brazo Oeste”. López (the son of Manuel Rafal López, an esteemed admiral) was a self described “conquistador”, who had from an early age been obsessed with expanding the christic religion to natives in Tarephia. He had become a captain in the Castellanese fleet in his late 20s, thanks to his father, and rapidly gained a reputation for being a strong-willed explorer and passionate christic. Upon learning of the cut-short Franquese expedition, he convinced the Castellanese king to fund an expedition to find the “hidden bay” and the rumored kingdom.

He left from Malgazan in Castellan on July 10 1552 with a fleet of two carracks and a smaller caravel, and would stop in Cabo Bonito, as well as the new settlements of Lucero and Barzona before seeing Contezenyoh in the distance on October 4th. Due to the reputation of the natives for violence, and acknowledging his weaker position, due to the fact that the Tename were armed with guns left behind from the Franquese, decided to continue onwards. On October 7th, he sighted the mangrove forests described by D’Herbert, and attempted to hug the shore, but ran into the shoal surrounding “La Isla Larga”, and nearly ran his ship (The Santa Octavia)  aground on the treacherous shoals. When attempting to cross through the small gap between La Isla Larga, he was struggling to prevent the ship from running aground - and then the tide began to go out, leaving the ship embedded into the tidal flat for two days until high tide enabled the one non-grounded carrack (The Marinero) to enter the tidal flat and quickly help pull out the Octavia and the Gaviota (the caravel). Sailing around the large island, López incorrectly assumed that the presence of this island meant that there was an error in the franquese maps, which he thought had incorrectly assumed the island was a peninsula. As such, he believed that the bay which would contain the kingdom of natives he so wished to find. The captain of the Marinero (Miguel Matinez), was doubtful, but López was insistent, and so the course began to be adjusted.

The Gaviota before the voyage, sketched by Juan Hernadez, the first mate.

The weather on the coast was highly foggy and wet at the time of the voyage, and had not yet reached its height. This lack of visibility contributed to the difficulty of López (who was normally far more capable of wayfinding) to accurately identify natural features. As they sailed into what Lopez named the “Bahia de López”, The Marinero ran aground on a shoal, and López elected to sail further into the bay, instructing the crew of the Marinero to try and settle in the Isla Larga.

Upon finding nothing at the end of the Bay aside from the entrances to the maze of the Ixpoliuhquamaxac, López, not yet dissuaded, decided that the civilization must lie further inland, and sending the Octavia back to the Marinero, decided to set out into the mangroves, where he believed he could find the kingdom. With a crew of his closest confidants on the Gaviota, he set off into the delta. The constant and heavy fog made it nearly impossible to see any more than a few meters off the side of the ship, and monkeys and mosquitos plagued the crew. López rapidly decided that it had been a horrible mistake to try and enter the mangroves, and despite finding evidence of some human habitation, there was nothing on the scale of the kingdom he had expected.

Ardea Lopez, or Lopez's Egret, first recorded by Lopez.

He elected to turn back, but rapidly found that the crew had absolutely no idea where they were, and the Gaviota became lost in the delta. After 15 days of wandering the delta, the Gaviota came out on the other side of the Isla Larga, and discovered multiple islands of higher elevation at the edge of the mangroves, which López marked with a red flag, planning to build a fort on the largest. López was by this time exhausted and fending off mutiny, and so returned to the two carracks. López would leave behind a small settlement on Isla Larga. He dubbed the coast, La Costa Diablo, “The Devil’s Coast”.

The next year, López returned to the coast significantly more prepared, with an additional carrack, the Obrigedo. He stopped for a month to begin the building of a wooden fort on the island he had marked, and left behind a contingent of settlers and soldiers who were to attempt to map the delta. López had convinced the governor to choose Mateo Lazulo to lead that expedition. This has been widely regarded as López’s revenge on Lazulo, as Lazulo had abused López’s daughter, his only living relative after his father died in 1548.

López continued down into the main bay, and encountered the altepetl of  Atoyatencuatl on May 26th, 1554.

The Castellanese Offensive

López continued down into the main bay, and encountered the altepetl of  Atoyatencuatl on May 26th, 1554. It was there that he met the tlatoani of the altepetl, which was the most powerful on the coast at the time. The tlatoani, Mahuxipe, received the new arrivals with pleasure, and treated them as honored guests in his palace. Mahuxipe used a Tename named Liiso, who was able to speak Franquese and who quickly learned the basics of castellanese, as a translator. Lopez, who was a fervent christici, began introducing the concept of christicism to the court of the tlatoani. He was met with bemused refusal to convert, and in fact was met with efforts to convert him to the Teotiyolcani religion. Lopez, furious at what he saw as ignorance and heathanism, rapidly lost any status he had as a foreign emissary among the Teotiyolcani.

Believing that the people could not be reasoned with, Lopez rapidly decided that the best way to continue would be to claim the land and conquer it for the Castellanese crown. Lopez believed that if he was granted five hundred more soldiers, he would be able to crush the altepetl. As such, he sent the Gaviota away to Gran Fojenica to seek approval from the governor there to recruit the appropriate number of additional men and ships. In the meantime, he planned to launch a surprise attack on the city with a combination of naval power and an ambush inside the palace itself.  However, Lopez had underestimated the size of the Teotiyolcani nation. Mahuxipe had been purposefully cagey and secretive about the size of the province, and had failed to mention that he paid tribute to the Hueitlatoani in Callinatlacan, 600 kilometers away. The Hueitlatoani was already aware of Lopez, as the system of horse-powered communication known as the Iciuhcayotitlani was able to carry messages between the two cities in around 50 hours one way.

Lopez began his attack soon after he first talked with the captains about it. The people of Atoyatencuatl woke up to the sound of gunfire as the carracks used cannons to bombard the town, and soldiers from opposite sides fought in the central square. In the palace, Lopez had captured Mahuxipe, but not before the tlatoani had sent a message to the neighboring Altepetel and the Hueitlatoani, requesting immediate reinforcements. Despite Lopez’s orders to the soldiers to minimize casualties, at least a thousand people were killed in what is known as the First Castellanese Massacre or the Atoyatencuatl Massacre. Despite the amount of people killed ,the populace was still restless, and a group of nobles that had escaped into the countryside were rounding up villagers to re-take the city with the coming reinforcements. Around a week after the massacre, a set of a thousand soldiers from Anoncinan and another 600 from Axillohil joined the forces of the nobles and began preparations for an assault. In the dead of night, the advance group of 400 descended on the city, the Teotiyolcani inhabitants of it helping the soldiers escape detection as they traveled both under the city in the drainage system, and above it, climbing over the roofs and walls of the inner section. Once they were in position, they began to clash with the castellanese troops, and the remaining forces entered the city through the front gates, overwhelming Lopez and his crews, at the cost of 200 casualties.

Lopez, realizing his mistake, managed to flee, escaping on the Gaviota and leaving the captains of the other ships to be captured and brought to the Hueitlatoani, Ixmimiztalia II for questioning before being killed, as the she deemed them unworthy of having seen the Holy City of Callinatlacan. This would be the beginning of the Yaomoztlati, the war for the survival of Teotiyolcan against the Castellanese.

The Castellanese reinforcements were rapidly defeated, as they were unprepared for the assault launched by the Teotiyolcani, and the Castellanese general, Erman d’Asono, who was also supervising the assault on the _ in Barzona,

Ticocotzoah Dynasty and the Late Expansion Period

Early Tlateochiuhtli Dynasty

Industrialization and Middle Tlateochiuhtli Dynasty

Early 1900s and the Late Tlateochiuhtli Dynasty

Post 1940s and the Modern Tlateochiuhtli Dynasty


Wildlife and conservation

Government and politics

Government icon (black).svg
Government of Teotiyolcan
Bureaucratic Monarchy
Head of state
• Huey TlatoaniTecuhuecapanoa
• Huey CihuacoatlTlamatcayetoct

Political divisions

List of Emperors

※ - Abidicated

† - Overthrown/Murdered

‡ - Exiled

No. Image Name Birth Reign from Reign to Notes
The Ahecatl Dynasty (1223-1298)
1 Zozic ? 1223 1242 Possibly an amalgamation of multiple figures.
2 Nahualquizqui I ? 1242 1259
3 Tepopoloanīztlacateteo ? 1259 1276
4 Aquinlecuēni ? 1276 1289
5 Cutoniuhtli ? 1289 1298†
Cencaltin Mayo (1298-1338)
6 Cecepatic ? 1298 1301†
7 Cecepaticiuctli ? 1301 1302
8 Comonquixochitl ? 1302 1314‡
9 Nahualquizqui II ? 1314 1323
10 Tlapayahuiteocuitlalli ? 1323 1338†
Cencaltin Mixcahuia (1338-1352)
11 Chipahualizpahuic ? 1338 1352† Tried to drastically minimize what he considered the excesses of society, but failed to win over the priesthood and was deposed.
Cencaltin Huapahuaca (1354-1640)
12 Acoquizatl I ? 1354 1372
13 Icnoaicnopilti ? 1372 1392
14 Tecutonameyotl ? 1392 1421
15 Ixmimiztalia I ? 1421 1465
16 Iconotecuhpilti ? 1465 1493
17 Ecatecuhcoyaotl ? 1493 1535
18 Ixmimiztalia II ? 1535 1569
19 Tecuacualnezcayotl ? 1569 1601
20 Yecnemilizticatzintli I ? 1601 1640 Died with no appointed heir.
Cencaltin Ticocotzoah (1640-1723)
21 Yecnemilizticatzintli II ? 1654 1668
22 Yecnemilizticatzintli III ? 1668 1672
23 Yaototiootzinquizqui ? 1672 1690
24 Yecnemilizticatzintli IV ? 1690 1702
25 Acoquizatl II ? 1702 1723†
Cencaltin Tlateochiuhtli (1723-Present Day)
26 Yecnemilizticatzintli V ? 1723 1728
27 Yecnemilizticatzintli VI ? 1728 1743
28 Yecnemilizticatzintli VII ? 1743 1757
29 Tecuiccen ? 1757 1770
30 Axanauaque ? 1770 1782
31 Motititlatonatiuh "Tlamatzintli" ? 1782 1829 The only emperor given a honorific.
32 Motititlatonatiuh II ? 1829 1834※‡
33 Yecnemilizticatzintli VIII ? 1834 1867
34 Tecuacalnemachiliani I ? 1867 1902
35 Tecumahuizo ? 1902 1934
36 Tecuacalnemachiliani II ? 1934 1988
37 Tecuhuecapanoa ? 1988 Present Day

Foreign relations

Government finance


Law enforcement and crime


Science and technology

Income, wealth, and poverty


All-road transportation











Literature, philosophy, and visual art





Mass media

See also



Further reading